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On the very day Donald Trump received a custom-made "peace prize" from his recent friend, FIFA president "Johnny" Infantino, his administration published an equally flamboyant security policy document. This fairly short report is saturated with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the characteristically modest claim that the president has brought back "our nation – and the world – back from the edge of disaster and disaster."

Even though the document largely formalizes the ongoing policies and rhetoric of Trump and his team, it must be taken as a serious warning for the world, and for the European continent in particular.

A Blueprint of Interference and Cultural Anxiety

The document espouses an assertive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US explicitly sets the goal of "fostering European greatness." Its rhetoric seems taken directly from speeches by Viktor Orbán during the so-called migration emergency of 2015-16: "We want Europe to stay European, to regain its cultural self-assurance." More worryingly, the document states that Europe's "financial downturn is eclipsed by the real and more stark possibility of cultural extinction."

The whole section dedicated to Europe is imbued with decades of European far-right dogma and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "changing the continent and creating strife, censorship of free speech and suppression of dissent, plummeting birthrates, and loss of sovereign identity and self-confidence." According to the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether certain European countries will have economic power and armed forces powerful enough to be reliable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration believes that "within a few decades at the latest, some NATO members will become majority non-European."

"U.S. foreign policy should continue to champion authentic democracy, freedom of expression, and proud commemorations of European nations’ individual character and history."

Core Theories of the Right-Wing

These arguments carry strong overtones of two concepts regarded as core for modern far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose thesis on the cyclical decline of civilizations was employed by the German far right to criticise the "perversion" and "weakness" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "native" fears into a more explicit conspiracy theory, accusing European elites of using immigration to replace rebellious "native" populations and import a more submissive and reliant electorate.

It is the nativist fever dream contained in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the obligation, to interfere in European affairs, the document suggests. And it is evident where it sees its allies: "America encourages its ideological partners in Europe to advance this resurgence of spirit, and the increasing clout of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for great optimism."

The Objective: "Make Europe Great Again"

Put simply, the US contends that it is key to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the only movement that can accomplish this. Consequently, its "broad policy for Europe" prioritises "fostering resistance to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "strengthening the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "aligned countries that want to reclaim their former greatness" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.

While the document remains unclear on methods, it is obvious that a key aim is to push Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – particularly regarding far-right speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration clearly does not regard Russia as an adversary either.

An Ideological Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a broader sense, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the 1823 policy of 1823. Proclaimed by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to interfere in the "western hemisphere," which he declared to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "implement a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.

None of this is entirely new – recall JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is laid out in an official document, European leaders will at last understand that the situation is grave. And if the document is too lengthy or imprecise for them, it can be condensed in clear and concise terms: the current US government holds that its national security is most enhanced by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not only an unwilling ally; it is a deliberate adversary. It is time to act accordingly.